Essay on Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah in English

Father of the nation quaid e azam ,Valuable character, marvellous personality.
Father of the nation quaid—i-azam muhammad ali jinnah’s fulfillment because the founder of Pakistan, dominates the entirety else he did in his long and crowded public lifestyles spanning a few forty two years. Yet, by means of any wellknown, his became an eventful existence, his character multidimensional and his achievements in other fields have been many, if no longer equally wonderful. Indeed, numerous had been the roles he had played with difference: at one time or another, he become one of the best criminal luminaries lndia  had produced in the course of the primary 1/2 of the century, an ambassador of hindu-muslim harmony, a splendid constitutionalist, a outstanding parliamentarian, a pinnacle-notch baby-kisser, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic muslim leader, a political strategist and, in particular one of the remarkable state-builders of modern times. What, but, makes him so amazing is the reality that while comparable different leaders assumed the leadership of traditionally properly-defined countries and espoused their cause, or led them to freedom, he created a country out of an inchoate and down- trodden minority and set up a cultural and countrywide domestic for it.


And all that inside a decade. For over three decades earlier than the a success fruits in 1947, of the Muslim warfare for freedom in the south-asian subcontinent, Jinnah had provided political management to the Indian Muslims: to begin with as one of the leaders, however later, considering the fact that 1947, because the simplest outstanding leader the Quaid—i-azam. For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression, coherence and route to their legitimate aspirations and loved desires; he had formulated these into concerted demands; and, notably, he had striven all-the whilst to get them conceded through both the ruling british and the numerous hindus the dominant phase of india’s population. And for over thirty years he had fought, relentlessly and inexorably, for the inherent rights of the Muslims for an honourable lifestyles within the subcontinent. Indeed, his life tale constitutes, as it were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the subcontinent and their astounding rise to nationhood, phoenix-like.
Born on December 25, 1876, in a distinguished mercantile family in Karachi and knowledgeable at the Sindh madrassat-ui—Islam and the christian venture faculty at his beginning place, Jinnah joined the Lincoln’s hotel in 1893’to grow to be the youngest Indian to be known as to the bar, three years later. Starting out inside the legal profession with nothing to fall returned upon besides his local capacity and resolution, younger Jinnah rose to prominence and have become Bombay’s most successful lawyer, as few- did, inside afew years. As soon as he become firmly set up within the legal profession, Jinnah formally entered politics in 1905 from the platform of the Indian national congress. He went to Egland in that 12 months at the side of Gopal krishna gokhale (1866-1915), as a member of a congress delegation to plead the purpose of indian self-authorities at some point of the British elections. A yr later, he served as secretary to dadabhai noaroji(1825-1917), the then indian country wide congress president, which became taken into consideration a brilliant honour
For a budding baby-kisser. Here, on the calcutta congress session (december 1906), he additionally made his first political speech in guide of the decision on self-government.
3 years later, in January 1910, Jinnah was elected to the newly-constituted imperial legislative council. Throughout his parliamentary career, which spanned a few 4 decades, he was probable the most effective voice in the motive of Indian freedom and Indian rights. Jinnah, who become additionally the primary Indian to pilot a non-public member’s bill via the council, soon have become a leader of a set inside the legislature. Mr. Montagu (1879-1924). Secretary of nation for india,
For India, at the close of the first global conflict, taken into consideration Jinnah “perfect mannered, wonderful—searching, armed to the enamel with dialectics...”Jinnah, he felt, “is a completely clever guy, and it's miles, of course, an outrage that the sort of man ought to haven't any chance of jogging the affairs of his own united states.”
For approximately 3 many years since his access into politics in 1906, jinnah passionately believed in and assiduously worked for Hindu- Muslim team spirit. Gokhale, the foremost hindu chief earlier than gandhi. Had as soon as stated of him, “he has the genuine stuff in him and that freedom from all sectarian prejudice with a view to make him the satisfactory ambassador of hindu-muslim unity: and, to be sure, he did end up the architect of hindu-muslim cohesion: he turned into chargeable for the congress-league p.C. Of 1916, recognized popularly as lucknow p.C.— the most effective percent ever signed among the two political organisations, the congress and the all-india muslim league, representing, as they did, the two essential groups inside the subcontinent.
The congress-league scheme embodied in this p.C. Became to grow to be the idea for the montagu-chemlsford reforms, also called the act of 1919. In retrospect, the lucknow  represented a milestone inside the evolution of lndian politics. For one thing, it conceded muslims the right to separate electorate, reservation of seats within the legislatures and weightage in representation both on the centre and the minority provinces. Consequently, their retention was ensured , inside the subsequent section of reforms. For every other, it represented a tacit popularity of the all-india muslim league as the representative organisation of the Muslims, consequently strengthening the trend closer to muslim individuality in indian politics. And to jinnah is going the credit  for all this. As a consequence, by using 1917, jinnah came to be recognized amongst each hindus and muslims as considered one of india’s most amazing political leaders. No longer handiest changed into he outstanding in the congress and the imperial legislative council, he changed into also the president of the all-lndia muslim and that of the bombay branch of the home rule league. More critical, because of his key-function in the congress-league entente at lucknow, he was hailed as the ambassador, as well as the embodiment, of Hindu-Muslim harmony.

In subsequent years, however, he felt dismayed at the injection of violence into politics. Since Jinnah- stood for “ordered progress”, moderation, gradualism and constitutionalism,he felt that political terrorism was not the pathway to national liberation but, the dark alley to disaster and destruction. Hence, the constitutionalist Jinnah could not possibly, countenance Mohandas Karamchand, Gandhi’s novel methods of Satyagrah (civil disobedience) and the triple boycott of government-aided schools and colleges, courts and councils and British textiles. Earlier, in October 1920, when Gandhi having been elected President of the Home Rule League, sought to Change its constitution as well as its nomenclature, Jinnah had resigned from the Home Rule League. saying? "Your extreme programme has for the moment struck the imagination mostly of the inexperienced youth and the ignorant and the illiterate. All this means disorganisation and chaos”. Jinnah did not believe that ends justified the means.

In the ever-growing frustration among the masses caused by colonial rule, there was ample cause for extremism. But, Gandhi’s doctrine of non—cooperation, Jinnah felt, even as Rabindrana’th Tagore(1861-1941) did also feel, was at best one of negation and despair: it might lead to the building up of resentment, but nothing constructive. Hence, he opposed tooth and nail the tactics adopted by Gandhi to exploit the Khilafat and wrongful tactics in the Punjab in the early twenties. On the eve of its adoption of the Gandhian programme, Jinnah warned the Nagpur Congress Session (1920); “you are making a declaration (of Swaraj within a year) and committing the Indian National Congress to a programme, which you Will not be able to carry out”. He felt that there was no short-cut to independence and that Gandhi’s extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political terrorism, lawlessness and chaos, without bringing lndia nearer to the threshold of freedom.

The future course of events was not only to confirm Jinnah’s worst fears, but also to prove him right. Although Jinnah left the Congress soon thereafter, he continued his efforts towards bringing about a Hindu—Muslim entente, which he rightly considered .“the most vital condition of Swaraj”. However, because of the deep distrust between the two communities as evidenced by the country-wide communal riots, and because the Hindus failed to meet the genuine demands of the Muslims, his efforts came to naught. One sUch effort was the formulation of the Delhi Muslim Proposals in March, 1927. in order to bridge Hindu-Muslim differences on the constitutional plan, these proposals even waived the Muslim right to separate electorate, the most basic Muslim demand since 1906, which though recognised bythe congress in the Lucknow Pact, had again become a source of friction between the two communities. surprisingly though, the Nehru Report (1928), which represented the Congress-sponsored proposals for the future constitution of India, negated the minimum Muslim demands embodied in the Delhi Muslim Proposals.
in vain did Jinnah argue at the National convention (1928);

"What we want is that Hindus and Muslims should march together until our object is achieved...These two communities have got to be reconciled and united and made to feel that their interests are common". The Convention's blank refusal to accept Muslim demands represented the most devastating setback to Jinnah’s life-long efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity. it meant “the last straw” for the Muslims. and “the parting of the ways" for him, as he confessed to a Parsee friend at that time. Jinnah‘s disillusionment at the course of politics in the subcontinent prompted him to migrate and settle down in London in the early thirties. He was. however, to return to India in 1934, at the pleadings of his co—religlonists. and assume their leadership. But. the Muslims presented a sad spectacle at that time. They were a mass of disgruntled and demoralised men and women. politically disorganised and destitute of a clear-cut political programme.

Thus, the task that awaited Jinnah was anything but easy. The Muslim League was dormant: primary branches it had none: even its provincial organisations were. for the most part, ineffective and only nominally under the control of the central organisation. Nor did the central body have any coherent policy at its own till the Bombay session (1936), which Jinnah organised. To make matters worse, the provincial scene presented a sort of a jigsaw puzzle: in the Punjab, Bengal, Sindh, the North West Frontier. Assam, Bihar and the United Provinces, various Muslim leaders had set up their own provincial parties to serve their personal ends. Extremely frustrating as the situation was, the only consultation Jinnah had at this juncture was in Allama lqbal(1877-1938). the poet-philosopher, who stood steadfast by him and helped to charter the course of Indian politics from behind the scene.

Undismayed by this bleak situation. Jinnah devoted himself with singleness of purpose to organising the Muslims on one platform. He embarked upon country-wide tours. He pleaded with provincial Muslim leaders to sink their differences and make common cause with the League. He exhorted the Muslim masses to organise themselves and join the League. He gave coherence and direction to Muslim sentiments on the Government of india Act, 1935. He advocated that the Federal Scheme should be scrapped as if was subversive of lndia’s cherished goal of complete responsible Government, while the provincial scheme, which conceded provincial autonomy for the first time, should be worked for what it was worth, despite its certain objectionable features. He also formulated a viable league manifesto for the election scheduled for early 1937. He was, it seemed, struggling against time to make Muslim india a power to be reckoned with.

Despite all the manifold odds stacked against it, the Muslim Leauge won some 108 (about 23 per cent) seats out of a total of 485 Muslim seats In the various legislature. Though not very impressive in itself, the League's partial success assumed added significance in view of the fact that the league won the largest number of Muslim seats and that It was the only all-india party of the Muslims in the country. Thus, the elections represented the first milestone on the  long road to putting Muslim India on the map of the subcontinent. Congress in Power With the year 1937 opened the most momentous decade in modern Indian history. In that year came into force the Provincial part of the Government at India Act, 1935, granting autonomy to Indians for the first time, in the provinces.

The Congress, having become the dominant party in Indian politics, came to power in seven provinces exclusively, spurning League’s offer of cooperation, turning its back finally on the coalition idea and excluding Muslims as a political entity from the portals of power. In that year, also, the Muslim League, under Jinnah's dynamic leadership, was reorganised de novo, transformed into a mass organisation, and made the spokesman of lndian Muslims as never before. Above all, in that momentous year were initiated certain trends in Indian politics, the crystallisation of which in subsequent years made the partition of the subcontinent inevitable. The practical manifestation of the policy at the Congress which took : office in July, 1937, in seven out of eleven provinces, convinced Muslims that, in the Congress scheme of things, they could live only on sufferance of Hindus and as “second class” citizens. The Congress provincial governments, it may be remembered, had embarked upon a policy and launched a programme in which Muslims felt that their religion, language and culture were not safe. This blatantly aggressive Congress policy was seized upon by Jinnah to awaken the Muslims to a new consciousness, organize  them on all-India platform, and make them a power to be reckoned with. He also gave coherence, direction and articulation to their innermost, yet vague, urges and aSpirations. Above all, the tilted them with his Indomitable will, his own unflinching taith in their

destiny.

As a result of Jinnah‘s ceaseless ettorts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker calls(their) “unreflective silence” (in which they had so complacently basked tor Iong decades), and to “the spiritual essence of nationality’ that had existed among them for a pretty long time. Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal author of independent lndia’s Constitution) says, “searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism”. in addition, not only had they developed” ‘ the will to live as a “nation”, had also endowed them with a territory Which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly discovered nation. These two pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart from Indian or Hindu nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favour of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state.

We are a nation”, they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam- “We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, , names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation”. The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of lndian politics. On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-lndian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity. in . Which the lndian Muslims were to be active participants, The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter, and malicious.

Equally hostile were the British to the Muslim demand,
their hostility having stemmed from their belief that the unity of lndia was their main achievement and their foremost contribution. The irony Was that both the Hindus and the British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous response that the Pakistan demand had elicited from the Muslim masses. Above all, they failed to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and their high destiny. In channeling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, none played a more decisive role than did Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

 lt was his powerful advocacy of the case of Pakistan and his remarkable strategy in the delicate negotiations that followed the formulation of the Pakistan demand, particularly in the post-war period, that made Pakistan inevitable.

While the British reaction to the Pakistan demand came in , the form of the Cripps offer of April, 1942, which conceded the  principle of self-determination to provinces on a territorial basis, the Rajaji Formula (called after the eminent Congress leader C.Rajagopa|acharia, which became the basis of prolonged Jinnah Gandhi talks in September1944). represented the Congress alternative to Pakistan. The Cripps offer was rejected because it did  not concede the Muslim demand the whole way, while the Rajaji' Formula was found unacceptable since it offered a “moth-eaten, mutilated” Pakistan and the too appended with a plethora of pre-conditions which made its emergence in any shape remote, if not altogether impossible.

The most delicate as well as the most tortuous negotiations, however, took place during 1946-47, after the elections which showed that the country was sharply and somewhat evenly divided between two parties- the Congress and the League- and that the  central issue in Indian politics was Pakistan.

These negotiations began with the arrival in March 1946, of a three-member British cabinet Mission. The crucial task with which  the Cabinet Mission was entrusted was that of devising in consultation with the various political parties, a constitution-making machinery, and of setting up a popular interim government. But, because the Congress league gulf could not be bridged, despite the Mission’s (and the Viceroy’s) prolonged efforts, the vision had to make its own proposals in May, 1946. Known as the Cabinet Mission Plan, these proposals stipulated a limited centre, supreme only in foreign affairs, defence and communications and three autonomous  groups of provinces. Two of these groups were to have Muslim  majorities in the now-west and the north-east of the subcontinent,  while the third one, comprising the Indian minland Was to have a Hindu majority. A consummate  statesman  that he was Jinnah saw his chance, He interpreted the clauses relating to a limited centre and the grouping as "the foundation of Pakistan”, and induced the  Muslim League Council to accept the Plan in June 1946; and this he  did much against the calculations of the Congress to its utter dismay.

Tragically though, the League’s acceptance was put down to its supposed weakness and the Congress put up a posture of defiance. designed to swamp the Leauge into submitting to its dictates and its interpretations of the plan. Faced thus, what alternative had Jinnah and the League but to rescind their earlier acceptance, reiterate and reaffirm their original stance, and decide to launchdirect action (if need be) to wrest Pakistan. The Way Jinnah manoeuvred to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the, situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves. Partition Plan By the close of 1946, the communal riots had flared up to murderous heights, engulfing almost the entire subcontinent. The two peoples, it seemed, were engaged in a fight to the finish. The time for a peaceful transfer of power was fast, running out. Realising the gravity of the situation His Majesty’s Government sent down to India a new Viceroy- Lord Mountbatten. His protracted negotiations with the various political leaders resulted in 3 June.(1947) Plan by which the British decided to partition the subcontinent, and hand over power to two successor States on 15 August, 1947. The plan was duly accepted by the three Indian parties to the dispute— the Congress the League and the Akali Dal (representing the Sikhs).

ln recognition of his singular contribution, Quaid—i—Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of - Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India’s first Governor-General. Pakistan, it has been truly said, was born in virtual chaos. lndeed, few nations in the world have started on their career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The new nation did not inherit a central government, , a capital, an administrative core, or an organized defence force. lts social and administrative resources were poor, there was little equipment and still less statistics. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with commUnications disrupted. This, along with the en masse migration of the Hindu and  Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered.

The treasury was empty,  India having denied. Pakistan the major share of its cash balances. On top of all this, the still unorganized nation was called upon to feed some eight million refugees who had fled the  insecurities and barbarities of the north Indian plains that long, hot summer. If all this was symptomatic of Pakistan’s administrative and economic weakness, the Indian annexation, through military action in November 1947, of Junagadh (which had originally acceded to Pakistan) and the Kashmir war over the State’s accession (October 1947-December 1948) exposed her mihtary weakness. In the circumstances, therefore, it was nothing short of a miracle that Pakistan survived at all. That it survived and forged ahead was mainly due to one man-Muhammad Ali Jinnah, The nation desperately needed in the person of a charismatic leader at that critical juncture in the nation’s history, and he fulfilled that need profoundly. After all, he was more than a mere Governor General: he was the Quaid-i-Azam who had brought the State into being.

In the ultimate analysis, his very presence at the helm affairs was responsible for enabling the newly born nation to overcome the terrible crisis on the morrow of its cataclysmic birth. He mustered up the immense prestige and the unquestioning loyalty he commanded among the people to energize them, to raise their morale, land directed the profound feelings of patriotism that the freedom had generated, along constructive channels. Though tired - and in poor health, Jinnah yet carried the heaviest part of the burden in that first crucial year. He laid down the policies of the new state, called attention to the immediate problems confronting the nation and told the members of the Constituent Assembly, the civil servants and the Armed Forces what to do and what the nation expected of   them.he saw to it that law and order was maintained at all costs, despite the provocation that the large scale riots in north India had provided.

He moved from Karachi to Lahore for a while and supervised the immediate refugee problem in the Punjab. In a time of fierce excitement, he remained sober, cool and steady. He advised his excited audience in Lahore to concentrate on helping the refugees, to avoid retaliation, exercise restraint and protect the minorities. he assured the minorities of a fair deal, assuaged their - inured sentiments, and gave them hope and comfort. He toured the various provinces, attended to their particular problems and instilled in the people a sense of belonging. He reversed the British policy in the north—West Frontier and ordered the withdrawal of the troops from the tribal territory of Waziristan, thereby making the Pathans feel themselves an integral part of Pakistan’s body-politics. He created a new Ministry of States and Frontier Regions, and assumed responsbility for ushering in a new era in Balochistan. He settled the controversial of the  states of Karachi, secured the accession of States, especially of Kalat which seemed problematical and carried on negotiations with Lord Mountbatten tor the settlement at the Kashmir Issue.

lt was, therefore, 'with'a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfilment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message On 14 August, 1948: “The foundations of your: State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly-and as, well as you can”. in accompliShing the task he had taken-upon himself on the morr0w of Pakistan’s birth-Jinnah had worked himself to death, ‘but he had, to quote Richard Symons, “contributed more than any other man to Pakistan’s survival”. He died on 11 September, 1948. How true was Lord Patrick Lawrence, the former .Secretary of State for‘lndia, ,when he said, “Gandhi died by the hands of anassassin'; Jinnah died' by his devotion to Pakistan”. '

.a man 'such as Jinnah, who had fought for the‘inherent rights of his people all through his life and who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely misinterpreted cause of Pakistan, . was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostilityand was likely to be largely misunderstood. But what is most remarkabie about Jinnah is that he was the, recipient of some of the greatest tributes paid to any One in modern times, Some Of them even from those who held a diametrically opposed viewpoint.

 Aga khan considered him “the, finest man he ever - met”, Beverley Nichols, the author_of ‘verdict on lndia’, known as him “the most important man in asia”,-and dr.  kailashnath katju, the west bengal governor-in 1948, concept of him as-“an fantastic determine of this century no longer best in india, however within the whole world”. At the same time as Abdul. RahmanAzzam. Pasha, secretary. Wellknown of the arab, league, called him “one of the best leaders in the muslim world’?, . The grand mufti. Of Palestine considered his loss of life as a ,“first rate loss”to the whole world of lslam. Lt was, however, given to Surat Chandra bose, leader of the ahead bloc wing of the indian‘ countrywide congress, to sum up succinctly his non-public and political: achievements. “mr jinnah”, he stated on his death in 1948, "was exceptional as a attorney, as soon as splendid as, a congressman, extremely good as a front-runner of ‘ Muslims, notable as a international flesh presser and diplomat, and finest of all as a man of movement, with the aid of Mr. 'Jinnah's passing away, the world has misplaced one of the best statesmen-and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher: and guide”. Such turned into quaid-i-azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the man and his undertaking, such the range of his accomplishments and ‘ achievements.